How to cite this journal: Author, Date of the post, WMO Conflict Insight, Title of the post, ISSN:
2628-6998, https://worldmediation.org/journal/
Jean Marie Vianney SIKUBWABO
World Mediation Organization
Keywords: The East African Community, regional integration, conflict resolution, economic development, sustainable peace and security, terrorism.
The Author: Jean Marie Vianney SIKUBWABO (sissasikubwabo@gmail.com) is a
doctoral student in mediation and conflict resolution at EUCLID University (an
Intergovernmental and Treaty-based Institution under the United Nations Treaty Series
49006/49007), an Accredited Mediator by the Rwandan Supreme Court, a legal
Consultant and a part-time university Lecturer.
1) INTRODUCTION
Regional integration is a powerful catalyst in the business environment’s
development, advancing social and economic development. Regional integration policies
and initiatives are adopted to pursue shared economic, social, and political action, and
economies in developed and developing regions implement them. The EAC currently has
seven member countries: Tanzania, Kenya, Uganda, Rwanda, Burundi, South Sudan, and
the Democratic Republic of the Congo’s accession in April 2022, with Somalia’s current
request to join the integration. Somalia’s membership has been a long time since its
application in 2012.
More particularly, this country has been a victim of social, economic, political,
and security problems for so long. The Somali problems will not be new or the only ones
in the EAC; the Democratic Republic of Congo (DRC) has been an emblematic signal of
insecurity and violence, especially in the Eastern region, political problems in Burundi,
and South Sudan that are still struggling with its reconstruction in connection with
various insecurity issues. On another side, Rwanda and Uganda have made tremendous
steps in ending the political tension between these two countries.
Though the number of members has increased and is still growing with new
accessions, EAC is still struggling with the implementation of the Treaty establishing it,
including the full implementation of a single customs territory, legal and political
harmonization, and security issues. This EAC’s experience pushes me to analyze how
much Somalia will contribute to regional integration considering its local problems. This
analysis consists of the potential of Somalia’s accession and anticipated threats. In that
sense, this analysis serves as an alert for the EAC to adopt appropriate preventive
measures before being overloaded with unresolvable problems.
2) THE POTENTIAL OF SOMALIA’S ACCESSION TO THE EAST
AFRICAN COMMUNITY
Typically, regional integration presents different benefits, including increasing
trade and investment, economic cooperation, and other various opportunities for
globalization. The EAC has its particularity of being a region characterized by small
states with small markets. Therefore, focusing on economic cooperation and regional
integration can create an expanded and unified market, diversify the monetary base, and
increase competitiveness in the global market[1]. Before elaborating on the potential of
the EAC member states to the bloc, I must trace its historical view.
a) The Genesis of Establishment, Development, and
Major Achievements of the East African Community
The East African Community (EAC) was established in 1967 as a Customs Union
between Kenya and Uganda but collapsed in 1977 due to political disparities. Tanganyika
(Tanzania) joined in 1927, Rwanda and Burundi in 2009, and South Sudan in 2016. This
bloc is founded on main pillars such as a Customs Union, Common Market, Monetary
Union, and Political Federation, while the organization’s main aim is to make the East
African economic and political bloc powerful and sustainable[2].
In that process, other important events are emphasized, such as the Customs
Union between Kenya, Uganda, and, later, Tanganyika, established in 1917. Other
subsequent protocols include the East African Currency Board, the Postal Union, and the
Court of Appeal for Eastern Africa. In that channel of event, the East African Governors’
Conference, the East African Income Tax Board, and the Joint Economic Council were
established between 1905 and 1940. The East African Airways Corporation was
incorporated in 1946, and the East African Common Services Organization (EACSO)
was developed in 1961, which replaced the East African High Commission are added to
the list[3].
i) Admission Criteria Under the East African Community
The EAC Treaty requires the new countries to accept the community set out in the
Treaty, adhere to universally acceptable principles of good governance, democracy, and
the rule of law, and observe human rights and social justice[4].
Other criteria include the potential contribution to strengthening regional
integration, geographical proximity to and inter-dependence between it and the EAC
partner states, establishing and maintaining a market-driven economy, and social and
economic policies compatible with the community. These include Somalia’s institutional
and legal frameworks, policies, strategies, and programs, and its areas of cooperation
with the EAC member states[5].
ii) Significant Achievements of the East African Community
The EAC has made some achievements, including interstate road transport
through reduced documentation for crews and vehicles at border crossings. This transport
facilitation has made transportation more accessible and encouraged traders from member
states, contributing to economic ties and strengthening the region’s financial position.
Additionally, it had harmonized immigration regulations, such as introducing an EAC
passport, free visas for immigrants within the community, and Customs Union through
one border-posts system[6].
Tourism is one sector where the EAC has been strategic in its harmonization
endeavors. The EAC partner states signed necessary protocols to help promote East
Africa as a single tourist destination, attract more tourists, and increase the tourism
industry’s contribution to the East African economy. A single East African Tourist Visa
for Kenya, Rwanda, and Uganda EAC countries has been available since 2014[7].
b) A Brief Discussion of Major Problems Facing Somalia as a
New EAC Member
Somalia has been facing and is still facing various social, economic, and political
problems. Somalia has been a victim of a drought threatening to cause famine in different
areas for so long. Many Somali people have been victims of acute food insecurity and
need humanitarian assistance. Additionally, the lack of funds to address the problems of
drought, climate change, malnutrition, and famine, is a critical concern[8]. Worse,
insecurity resulting from Al-Shabab terrorism cannot allow the government to focus on
other socio-economic aspects. Al-Shabab has remained a severe threat to the government
and its institutions.
As I introduced above, the deteriorating situation of drought has affected half the
population. There is a severe issue of food insecurity due to the failed rainy season,
insecurity, lack of functioning governance structures, poor infrastructure, lack of
adequate policies supporting integration into the community, an increasing inflation rate,
many Somalis being at risk of famine and starvation, many displaced people,
consequences of war in Ukraine and Russia, because Somalia imports much of its wheat
from Ukraine and Russia. Insecurity and terrorism as significant problems that Somalia is
adding to the list of issues facing the EAC[9]. Without being cynical, I can realize that
the delayed admission of Somalia into the EAC might have resulted from these decades-
long problems, but most importantly, its insecurity issue. However, once Somalia
becomes a member of the EAC, the latter must commit to addressing them. Otherwise,
Somalia’s accession will be another burden to the bloc.
iii) An opportunity to Boost Somali Economic Development Through
EAC
When establishing the EAC, the plan was to form a political federation to
strengthen and expand economic, political, social, and cultural integration. In that sense,
the EAC formed the East African Community and Customs Union (EACCU) in 2005
with the primary goal of promoting the free flow of goods and services, labor, and capital
from one partner state to another by lowering trade barriers and facilitating markets for
each member state’s products[10]. For Somalia, joining the EAC will make its markets
more competitive, give consumers more options, and improve resource mobilization
efficiency, industrialization, and scale productivity[11]. Additionally, Somalia will
benefit from knowledge transfer, including technologies brought by companies investing
in the country, by taking the excellent example of Rwanda.
In the same context, free trade will eliminate economic distortions caused
primarily by other neighboring countries when importing and exporting goods, services,
and foreign exchange. In that sense, free trade will encourage competition with other
businesses in the region and political stability and security in the country because the
country will need to attract foreign investors and people movements.
Undoubtedly, Somalia will benefit significantly through the increased movement
of goods, services, and people within the bloc and expanding intra-regional trade.
Furthermore, exploiting Somalia’s blue economy resources, such as fish, will boost the
regional economy. If Somalia becomes a full member of the East African Community,
Somali citizens will now be free to move and do business across the bloc, and
the country will benefit from the community’s economic, political, and social support
programs. In these free movements of people, the citizens will have visa-free entry to the
EAC countries and be eligible for an East African passport, like any other citizens from
the EAC member states. However, I recommend strict border control measures to prevent
the spread of terrorists in all areas of the region.
iv) Somalia’s Accession as An economic Opportunity for the East
African Community
Somalia has the longest national coastline of over 3000 km in Africa, linking
Africa to the Arabian Peninsula, which the region can tap into to increase intra-regional
trade[12]. In other words, the geographical structure of Somalia will benefit other EAC
member states due to its long Indian Ocean Red Sea route connecting Africa to the
Arabian Peninsula, a significant economic zone, and, by extension, the rest of Asia;
Somalia can serve as a gateway to international trade.
Moreover, Somalia’s accession to the EAC will undoubtedly strengthen the
organization because Somalis share historically rich and diverse everyday experiences,
such as culture and Kiswahili, which can be used to build trust and networks for business
and trade with other East Africans. Somalis have contributed to East African cities’
economic and social transformation by investing in local companies[13]. In the 1990s,
many Somalis fleeing anarchy in Somalia settled in Nairobi, transforming East Leigh,
then a residential suburb of Nairobi, into a bustling business zone. They established
various businesses, including export and import networks and local services[14].
Finally, admitting Somalia to the EAC will significantly raise the movement of
goods, services, and people across the bloc, thereby increasing the bloc’s gross domestic
product (GDP) and encouraging the region’s already established Somali businesses[15].
3) A CRITICAL DISCUSSION OF THREATS TO SOMALIA’S ACCESSION
TO THE EAST AFRICAN COMMUNITY
As I stressed in the sections above, Somalia joins the EAC with various social,
economic, and political problems. However, these problems enlarge the list of the issues
facing the EAC. These include the EAC’s failure to implement the Treaty establishing it,
interstate and inter-state conflicts, violence, and global crisis.
a) Failed Areas of Integration of the East African Community
Before Somalia’s Accession
Regional integration arrangements include other protocols to address specific
integrative measures and deepen integration. However, some of these protocols are
ineffective due to delayed legislative approval processes among members and political
reasons.
i) Failed implementation of the Protocol Establishing the East
African Community
The Customs Union was established in 2005, and the Common Market in
2010[16], while Monetary Union, expected to be done in ten years, and the Political
Federation are still unfinished, despite long talks and negotiations. The Protocol on
Monetary Union was adopted under the EAC Treaty and signed in 2013. The period of
ten years was a progressive opportunity for the EAC partner to converge their currencies
into a single regional currency[17]. From this plan, I see that the Political Federation is
the final goal of the integration process in this region. It would allow them to conduct a
standard foreign and security policy and contribute to more effective implementation of
the previous stages of cooperation. Political cooperation would improve the region’s
stability and strengthen its position, especially in negotiations with other countries
outside the bloc.
In addition to this failure I emphasized above, I deplore the lack of specific
institutions in member states whose primary responsibilities would be implementing the
protocols in collaboration with all stakeholders, governmental institutions, the private
sector, and civil society. Furthermore, difficulties related to the lack of capacity and
resources to implement the protocols need particular attention[18]. From this discussion
above, I can infer that EAC failed to implement its primary goals, revealing significant
delays in solving major regional problems. The delays in implementing the protocols that
failed some EAC goals show the organization’s weakness, especially the concerned
member states’ lack of engagement and commitment[19].
Additionally, I can observe that the principle of full and effective regional
integration exists only on paper and is not in the organization’s actual practices. This
failure of full and effective integration has been the cause of many other failed projects,
including rerouting major regional infrastructure, railways, and oil exploitation in South
Sudan. It pushes me to conclude that these failures reveal serious difficulties in
cooperation among the member states and their commitment to previous integration
initiatives[20].
ii) Lack of Significant Added Value of the New Accessions to the East
African Community
Typically, regional integration is a standard policy or project aimed at increasing
links and economic, political, and social transactions, strengthening integration processes,
intensifying intergovernmental cooperation, and creating regional identity among the
community. For example, free trade has not happened as stipulated in the protocols
because there have been conflicting situations between member states leading to the
closure of the borders[21]. In other words, free trade only happens when it is convenient
for one member state. In that regard, accession to the EAC by South Sudan should have
given it an opportunity for economic stabilization, while the rest of the member states
should increase their profits related to the oil industry in South Sudan and Uganda.
I agree with Gibb that there has been no significant change since its accession by
DRC, apart from becoming another complex security and political baggage. South Sudan,
which became a full member of the EAC in September 2016, is yet to add value[22]. I
understand that when joining the community, DRC committed itself to be part of the
community and entering the various areas of cooperation in all the sectors, programs, and
activities that promote the four pillars of regional integration, namely, the Customs
Union, Common Market Protocol, Monetary Union, and the Political Federation.
iii) The Lesson to Learn from the Democratic Republic of Congo’s
Accession to the East African Community
When joining the EAC, the DRC expected to benefit from customs taxes
exemption at any of the region’s border points. The main reason is that most of the DRC’s
key markets, such as Bukavu and Goma, are geographically closer to the Kenyan port of
Mombasa than the Atlantic Ocean. Therefore, open borders via the EAC could reduce
shipping and receiving commerce time. Undoubtedly, this is a massive benefit to a
country that needs assistance with infrastructure projects[23].
On another side, the DRC’s membership provides the EAC states access to the
Atlantic coast. I understand that this access is an important development since EAC
countries needed to utilize Indian Ocean-based ports in Kenya and Tanzania, and an
obvious problem with these options is piracy off the Somalia coast.
However, the DRC’s membership in the EAC brings another set of challenges,
including insecurity and acts of violence in the Eastern region of DRC by M23[24].
Therefore, the EAC must double its efforts to integrate DRC and promote peace between
its member states to maintain bloc unity. Though member states of the bloc agreed to
deploy a regional security force led by Kenya to the Eastern DRC, their productivity is
still questionable.
Above all, I realize that after two years of DRC’s accession to the EAC, there has
not been any significant change in cooperation between DRC and other EAC member
states; the tension between DRC and Rwanda increased from allegations of Rwandan
support to M23. Therefore, I am convinced that welcoming new members would be an
opportunity for the EAC to focus on the full implementation of the EAC treaty, especially
the monetary union, ensure the performance of the EAC Common Market Protocol, attain
an EAC Single Currency, and strengthen regional peace, security, and governance.
iv) Failed Attempts to Address Insecurity and Terrorism in Somalia
Beforehand, I must recall that East Africa Community lacks an integrated conflict
prevention, management, and mitigation framework. It is a security weakness for the East
African region and a significant threat to the dream of effective regional integration. For
the issues of insecurity in Somalia there have been initiatives and efforts by the African
Union to address insecurity issues in East African countries, particularly in Somalia.
These include the African Union (AU) itself, African Standby Force (ASF),
Intergovernmental Authority on Development (IGAD), and the Eastern African Standby
Force Secretariat (EASFSEC) [25].
In restoring peace in Somalia, Sudan and Uganda were identified as the countries
that would deploy troops under the IGAD Peace Mission in Somalia (IGASOM). The
other IGAD countries were to assist in providing logistics, equipment, emergency
assistance, and training for the Somalia Army and Police[26]. The failure of IGAD
resulted from its organizational structure, logistical and financial issues, and an arms
embargo imposed on Somalia on January 23, 1992, following the rapid deterioration of
the situation and heavy loss of human life after the overthrow of Siad Barre[27]. I
understand that without a trained national army, and police force, it will be difficult for
the Somali government to be able to address the insurgents in the country while at the
same time protecting the local population.
v) Somalia’s Accession to the EAC as an Amplification of Existing
Security Problems
No single country within the EAC makes a significant difference because almost
every member state faces some of the following insecurity problems. These include
increasing levels of terrorism and piracy off the Somali coast, cross-border smuggling
between Kenya and Sudan, and between Kenya and Somalia[28]. There is a general
increase in violent crimes in the cities of some EAC member states, such as burglary,
hijacking, poaching in the game parks, banditry/robbery, and cattle rustling in the rural
areas[29].
I must signal the decades-long ethnic violence in Burundi that inevitably deterred
the achievement of political and social harmony and rendered peace deals unworkable.
Worse than that, the state’s weakness allowed perpetrators to go unpunished. In other
EAC member states, these social and political conflicts have created many refugees and
Internally Displaced Persons (IDP)[30]. Without any doubt, the influx of refugees from
conflicts in neighboring countries retards development for both hosts and the refugees,
and most often, they can become another cause of insecurity when they try to fight for
their rights.
From this discussion above, I can infer that conflict and conflicting situations
(intrastate and interstate) have become the common denominator among the EAC
member states. Somalia has been struggling with insecurity resulting from terrorism,
while Burundi has continued ethnic and political problems. However, Rwanda has
managed to recover from the consequences caused by the Genocide committed against
the Tutsi in 1994; DRC is still struggling with the Rwandan ex-FAR that is a threat to
Rwanda, the newly formed M23 rebel insurgency in the Eastern DRC. Somali’s social,
economic, political, and security problems are added to other member states’ issues,
including Burundi, South Sudan, and insecurity in the Eastern area of the Democratic
Republic of Congo (DRC)[31].
To address this insecurity in the Eastern region of DRC, the EAC has been
calling for armed groups in eastern DRC to lay down their arms while reiterating respect
for the territorial integrity of the DRC. However, all these endeavors have sounded to a
deaf ear because insecurity escalated in that region. I realize that the only way to address
these conflicting situations, whether in Somalia, Burundi, or DRC, is to focus on the
political realities of the country more than on abstract ideas. Finally, if EAC opts to
welcome new members, it should commit to addressing the insecurity fully and
effectively, ensure the protection of human rights, and put an end to internal and
interstate conflicts.
vi) Somalia’s Accession to the EAC: An Opportunity to End the Issue of
Terrorism in the Horn of Africa or Another Security Burden to the
East African Community?
As I insisted earlier, Al-Shabab has been deteriorating security in Somalia,
infiltrating Uganda and Kenya, and ravaging many people’s lives. It signals that the EAC
does not have adequate security organs and mechanisms. Worse than that, there has been
an international reluctance to intervene in Somalia after the United Nations Mission in
Somalia (UNISOM) left the country to rely on informal groups for the provision of basic
social amenities that turned out to hug terror groups[32]. Consequently, I believe
Somalia’s accession to the EAC will be another security burden for the EAC.
Somalia has been for so long a lawless country with a disorganized government,
providing an environment for fugitives and terrorists to hide and plan attacks not only in
the region but worldwide. Some of the causes include, among others, access to Somalia is
unrestricted mainly due to the absence of customs or immigration officials to patrol the
long Indian Ocean Coastline that, consequently, attracted militants fleeing from the
hotspots of Afghanistan, Iraq, Yemen, and Egypt[33]. It indicates that Somalia has been a
regional hub for terrorists due to patrimonialism, the militarization of the state, and being
the victim of the Cold War. Since 1997 after the withdrawal of American backing at the
end of the Cold War, Somalia has had to contend with a civil war that has led to
governmental failure to provide services and guarantee state territorial sovereignty,
massive displacement of people, and social and economic decline[34].
Inevitably, the decline of the Somali state has coincided with the global
preoccupation with combatting terrorism, with Western coalitions going to war against
the Taliban in Afghanistan and Iraq and drone attacks in Yemen and Pakistan. Therefore,
Somalia has become a haven for fleeing Islamic militants who regroup and seek
retaliatory attacks on western interests. Additionally, the free flow of contraband
weapons and arms, and organized terror groups, will put the EAC region in severe
security challenges that require a timely response and particular resources. Unless the
EAC adopts adequate preventive measures, Somalia’s accession is another security threat
to the region.
b) Somalia’s Accession to the East African Community: A
Wake-up Call for the Security Measures in EAC
Since its inception in 1999, the EAC has made tremendous steps to create a
framework and structures to address peace and security issues. However, the systems
have not been effective due to a lack of clear strategic direction in the critical areas of
cooperation. Against this background, upon the Sectoral Committee on Interstate Security
recommendation, the EAC Council of Ministers established an expert group to develop a
Regional Strategy supported by a practical implementation plan[35].
The strategy was developed through a highly consultative and inclusive process. It
was expected to boost peace and security sector activities and be the foundation for
cooperation in addressing regional peace and security threats. In that sense, I agree with
Ball that technological advancement, knowledge dispersal, and globalization can
influence crime types and trends, especially in cyber crimes, money laundering, and
terrorism financing[36].
Article 124 of The Treaty for the Establishment of the East African Community
recognizes the region’s need for peace and security. The same article describes wideranging approaches for implementing a stable and secure regional environment[37]. This
kind of environment can only be possible by promoting the development and harmonious
living of the people of East Africa.
This strategy covers collaboration on cross-border crimes, theft of automobiles,
drug trafficking, terrorism, money laundering, and other crimes. Considering the severe
security concern in Somalia as a new joiner to the EAC, I see that this is an opportunistic
time for the EAC as a bloc to adopt appropriate security measures, including reviewing
and implementing the existing security plans for its sustainable integration.
4) CONCLUSION
Regional integration is a way to encourage trade flow between member states and
facilitate more efficient allocation of resources by stimulating competition and increasing
the capacity of the internal market. That is expected to result in faster economic growth
and increased per capita income. EAC is among regional organizations that have often
been inadequately operating, and whenever they run, they end up with negative
consequences. The community was established to make East Africa prosperous,
competitive, secure, stable, and politically unified. Its orientation was to form a political
federation that would strengthen and expand economic, political, social, and cultural
integration.
However, EAC has proved unable to solve the main regional problems. Somalia is
joining the EAC with various economic, political, and security issues to prevent them
from becoming another burden to the community. To benefit from the integration,
Somalia should improve its institutions by harmonizing the Federal and Regional
governments, and reforming its internal policies, laws, and security, especially addressing
the issues of terrorism by Al-Shabab. Apart from increasing the number of military and
police forces, it should develop army and police control measures and ensure their
personal and professional development. Furthermore, strengthening its political and
military cooperation with Eritrea and Ethiopia as its neighboring countries in the Horn of
Africa, reinforcing the border control measures, and working with IGAD is a strategic
way to improve its internal political and security stability.
Additionally, it should adopt strategic plans with a progressive implementation
plan to boost its economy and improve its infrastructure which is still poor. In this
context, it should reinforce its work and cooperation with Non-Governmental
Organizations operating in the region to make their economic functions more beneficial
to the country and address their dark side that may flourish if they are not well utilized.
On another side, EAC should support Somalia by adopting the mechanisms and
setting agenda for its progressive integration so that it can overcome the struggles of
state-building. Finally, the EAC members must first work on their unity and cooperation,
resolve any conflict between them fully and effectively, and enhance regional security as
a group. Instead of focusing on membership expansion, EAC should review its regional
realities and set achievable goals. In this sense, it should fully and effectively focus on
security and economic integration as the major problems facing it, the success of which
can enable it to undertake other integration phases. Moreover, it should be imperative for
each EAC member state to have an internal organ or institution in charge of the
implementation of the EAC treaty.
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List of Footnotes
[1] D. Hyde, ―The East African Railway Strike, 1959-60: Labour‘s Challenge of InterTerritorialism,‖ Labor History, 57, no. 1 (2016): 13.
[2] G.M. Khadiagala, ―Pan-Africanism and Regional Integration,‖ An Introduction to
African Politics: Palgrave (2013): 6.
[3] Hyde, ―The East African Railway Strike, 1959-60: Labour‘s Challenge of InterTerritorialism,‖ 23.
[4] East African Community, The Treaty for Establishment of the East African
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